Discourse Analysis of Pierre Poilievre’s

Statements: A Study on Political Communication and Rhetoric

 

تحليل الخطاب في منطوق بيير بواليفير: دراسة في الاتّصال السّياسيّ والبلاغة

by

Ghada M. Al Ahmadieh

غادة محمود الأحمدية

تاريخ الاستلام 4/7/2024                                             تاريخ القبول 22/7/2024

 

Abstract

This article investigates the discourse strategies and tactics, and the rhetorical devices, which are manipulated and utilized by Pierre Poilievre, a leading contemporary Canadian Conservative politician. This study examines how Poilievre’s communication style shapes public perception, forms political identity, and stimulates policy discussions using a discourse analysis approach. Pierre Poilievre often demonstrates linguistic skill in framing issues in a way that is persuasive while constructing strategic narratives. Poilievre’s arguments foster party identification and support, particularly on the controversial issue of deficit finance and government debt. The findings reflect the crucial role language plays in the field of politics.

Keywords: Discourse analysis, thematic analysis, framing, rhetoric, political communication, Pierre Poilievre, Canadian politics.

ملخص

تبحث هذه المقالة في استراتيجيات وتكتيكات الخطاب، والوسائل البلاغيّة وتقنيّات التّأطير وبناء الهويّة التي يستخدمها بيير بواليفير، أحد أبرز السّاسة المعاصرين في قيادة حزب المحافظين الكنديّ. وتبحث هذه الدراسة في كيفية تشكيل أسلوب بواليفير في التّواصل للإدراك العام، وتشكيل الهويّة السّياسيّة، وتحفيز المناقشات السّياسيّة باستخدام نهج تحليل الخطاب. غالبًا ما يُظهِر بيير بواليفير مهارة لغويّة متمكّنة في صياغة القضايا السّياسيّة بطريقة مقنعة في أثناء بناء السّرديّات الاستراتيجيّة. تعمل مناقشات وحجج بواليفير الخطابيّة على تعزيز هويّة الحزب ودعمه، خاصّة فيما يتعلّق بالقضايا المثيرة للجدل المتمثلّة في تمويل العجز والدّيون الحكوميّة. تعكس نتائج  هذه الدّراسة الدّور الحاسم الذي تؤدّيه اللّغة العارفة في مجال السّياسة عبر استخدام الوسائل البلاغيّة وتقنيّات التّأطير وبناء الهويّة على وجه الخصوص.

الكلمات المفتاحيّة: تحليل الخطاب، التّحليل الموضوعيّ، التّأطير، البلاغة، الاتّصال السّياسيّ، بيير بواليفير،  السّياسة الكنديّة.

I. Introduction

Pierre Poilievre is one of the “go-to” Conservative members who has emerged as a prominent critic of the governing Liberal Party and who situates himself as a champion of the right-wing political base “Poilievre is a very Canadian figure, fitting solidly into the right-wing prairie populist tradition” (Beauchamp, 2024)[1]. Poilievre articulates his views in his social media interactions, provides responses to his riding constituents, and represents the Conservative Party in Parliament and in live, mainstream and alternative media platforms. Politicians in general, and political leaders in particular, recognize and value the importance of planned political communication “Political communication and political marketing techniques are nowadays an important part of every political campaign” (Kioumi, 2007)[2], that’s why they resort to verbal and nonverbal means of communication to find the proper channels for their messages, Canadian politicians are no exception, and such is the case with recently well-known Conservative party leader and politician, Pierre Poilievre. This paper analyzes Poilievre’s discourse and communication style in Canadian politics. The paper explores Pierre Poilievre’s strategies, both as a politician seeking to mobilize support for his party and as a cabinet minister implementing government policy on issues such as finance and democratic reform.

II. Literature Review

Today, the paradigm of communication is principally drawing its implications from the thoughts of Shannon, Habermas, and Lasswell, among a few others who have heavily impacted the history of the development of the theory of Organizing Messages and the various fields of communication, effectively contributing to the principle of disentanglement of communication structures throughout the past century (Richhariya, 2020)[3]. However, the thematic communication approach is the guiding actor in determining the texts used, as well as the criterion for their objective and final integration. Moreover, CDA denotes research within the humanities. Many researchers working within this area are interested in text-based language and communicative actions (Mullet, 2018)[4]. These are taken to be constitutive of social, political and psychological concerns.

1. Thematic Communication Theory

Thematic Communication Theory constitutes a perspective that explicitly seeks to integrate theories about both symbolic communication and social organization (Panocová, 2020)[5]. For Thematic Communication Theory, the discussion of issues of organizational relevance in integrated mass-mediated communication environments and the manner of determining actual impacts are guiding questions. Recently, Schwartz’s Thematic Communication Theory analysis has been proposed for political communication (Botterill  & Lewis, 2023)[6]. This proposal reflects the fact that political actors communicate by hierarchically organizing messages by themes. In their media productions that target relevant organizational issues, politicians transmit a message that places the most explicitly and clearly formulated theme to the audience, the country theme, supposedly framing the discussion. Then, an intermediate level of themes such as dominance of economic issues and a low level of themes such as openness, accountability, and public discussion meet the characteristics of the type of social organization that the speaker represents (Guest, MacQueen, & Namey, 2012)[7]. Thematic theory can be considered the most systematic attempt made thus far to integrate communication, propaganda, and psychological considerations into political science (Wang, Chang, Kuo, & Tsai, 2023)[8]. It relates to what people talk in a certain period. The thematic theory has the added value of analyzing the evolution of the major themes of the people in each thematic field. Thematic field, in the language of Schwartz, means a “field of discourse” (Paltridge & Prior, 2024)[9] in which the dominant themes are linked and rigorously coordinated with each other. The reason why themes are coherent or thematically linked is that they originate from a supreme theme. This supreme theme “sets the tone” for all the conversation, in Lasswell’s language (Lasswell, Lerner, & Speier, 1980)[10]. This paper evaluates the validity of the Thematic Communication Theory for politics and examines the implications of it.

2. Theoretical Foundations of CDA

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) emerged in the late 1970s and early 1980s as a growing number of scholars from the social sciences and humanities embarked on the analysis of the role of discourse in maintaining and reproducing systems of inequality, power, and social exclusion (van Dijk, 2008)[11]. While poststructuralist and critical intellectual traditions had provided the groundwork for studying the relationship between language and society for quite some time prior to the term ‘critical discourse analysis’ being coined, it was not until the 1970s and 1980s that these influences came together to form the flourishing field of study that CDA is today (van Dijk, 1993)[12]. Critical discourse analysis is commonly attributed to the work of Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, Teun van Dijk, Theo Van Leeuwen, and Michael Billig, among others. These scholars identified a wide variety of approaches to discourse that in some way related to their belief in the possibility of discourse to control, dominate, or otherwise subjugate others, and they lobbied for the adoption of more ‘critical’ research and analytical techniques in the study of discourse.

3. Political Discourse Analysis

Political analysis uses the concepts of frameworks, interpretation, meaning, explanation, and understanding embedded in political systems as a basic set of ideas (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2013)[13]. The ability to access, interpret, and evaluate political discourse in a variety of contexts, including print, radio, TV, film, publication, exhibition, manifesto, or art form, is a multifaceted tool of political inquiry aimed at developing an understanding of how the language of politics may be used in democratic societies. The essence of political discourse analysis lies in investigating the differential ways in which speakers and listeners understand and make decisions on the basis of politically relevant discourse. Since most of our knowledge of politics is based on the analysis of texts, the study of political discourse should therefore attend closely and carefully to what messages really are, as well as what implications they contain. Political discourse analysis is of particular importance in studying political and social phenomena. The method of articulation of the linguistic and thematic properties of political text provides the essential information of the norms that govern political communication. When differences in linguistic form are observed, they could possibly be attributed to variations in the intensity of competing interest. In the study of political discourse, it is also possible to focus upon one group’s efforts to deny or legitimate some act, status, policy or proposal.

4. Previous Studies on Canadian Political Discourse

Discourse is of particular interest to Canadianists- Individuals engaged in Canadian Studies (Canadianists – British Association for Canadian Studies, 2022)[14]– as it provides the primary means for both constructing meaning, such as values and identities, and negotiating a shared understanding of what constitutes legitimate national political practices in a very diverse society. Canada prides itself both on establishing itself as a leader in promoting a deliberative, multi-stakeholder approach, and on its ability to mediate social conflict through rational deliberation. These processes are of particular interest to Canadian researchers because of Canada’s unique, multi-stakeholder political culture (Canada, 2024)[15]. Canadian political discourse research tackled issues like multiculturalism and the rhetoric of national identity (Kazemian & Hashemi, 2014)[16], however, the research on Pierre Poilievre’s political discourse strategies and impact are still minimal, the case that necessitates research in this field.

III. Methodology

Discourse—a dialogue, or a sort of communication which involves social interaction—denotes messages which are created, distributed and invested with meaning by individuals and/or groups of individuals. There are different methodological ways to study political communication. This study touches upon the qualitative discourse analysis approach which focuses on language use as a combination between thematic analysis and CDA- Critical Discourse Analysis. It assumes that data are understood as relevant to understanding the way the world is and how it operates. It is focused on the relationship between the text and specific discursive practices.

1. Data Collection

The multifold objective of this study is to detect the outer limits of conversations that evolve while using the Political Discourse. Therefore, the data collection process encompasses the access to transcripts of Poilievre’s speeches along with his audio and video recordings and social media posts. For attaining this aim, three datasets are selected for this study. The first has to do with the speeches that Pierre Poilievre delivered in public occasions, the second focuses on his interviews on different media channels, and the third deals with his posts on social media platforms.

2. Analytical Framework

The analysis of data in this paper is two-leveled. The first is the thematic analysis where the second is that of critical discourse analysis or CDA. The former focuses on and elaborates the recurrent themes that are persistent in Poilievre’s political statements, where the latter- CDA- studies the linguistic aspects and the rhetorical strategies that are manifest in Poilievre’s statements. CDA also investigates the ideological labels and denominations that outline his overall communication. This twofold approach facilitates the study of the role of language in structuring narratives, affecting and shaping public opinion and, above all, modelling political identity.

IV. Findings, Discussion and Analysis

The findings, discussion, and analysis section works on three levels which are: thematic analysis, rhetorical devices, and framing techniques and identity construction.

1. Thematic Analysis

Economic responsibility and fiscal policy, national identity and cultural heritage, accountability and transparency, and freedom and individual rights are the main themes that are manipulated in Poilievre’s political statements.

1.1  Economic Responsibility and Fiscal Policy

The topic of economic responsibility is fundamental to all conservative policy discussions, including those pertaining to fiscal policy, specifically, taxation. According to the Conservatives, conceptually, a government that perpetually spends more money than they have fails to live within their means and must continually rely on debt to fund its operations. Poilievre’s contributions to Canadian conservatism and economic thought are noticeable particularly when he says: “We are going to put in thousands of amendments to committee and in the House of Commons forcing all night round the clock voting to block your (The Liberal Prime Minister) $20 billion of inflationary spending and the rest of your economically destructive plans” (CTV News, 2023)[17].

1.2  National Identity and Cultural Heritage

Pierre Poilievre has made many notable remarks related to themes of national identity and cultural heritage. For example, in 2009, Poilievre states: “I go across this country and one of my favourite things to do is visit with people of different cultures and different backgrounds” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-07” Culture | openparliament.ca, 2023)[18]; he adds “Common wisdom, our common resources, our common heritage and our common future are determined by the people elected to serve in this place” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-07” Heritage | openparliament.ca, 2023)[19].

1.3   Accountability and Transparency

In Ottawa and the national context, Pierre Poilievre is well known for his steadfast commitment to a transparent, accountable government, which is achieved through proactive disclosure, spending controls, rigorous program evaluation, and an ongoing commitment to providing Canadians with the information that they have every right to see. He holds similar opinions on the role in political financing, refusing to accept donations from corporations or from federal lobbyists. He was the first minister to impose a strict public sector lobbyist code. Poilievre maintains “We will slash the consultants and the lobbying sector, and we will unleash the productive forces of our working-class people in our factories, our farms, our forestry and our fishery sectors, and of the people who do the real work in this country” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Lobby | openparliament.ca, 2024)[20].

1.4   Freedom and Individual Rights

Pierre Poilievre is known for his commitment to liberal principles. He has spoken out and written extensively on the need to uphold individual rights and fight government encroachment on the freedoms of citizens. Pierre Poilievre has grasped the significance of freedom and individual rights in political discourse, finding a way to inject a provocative voice into conservative politics. “It doesn’t matter if your name is Poilievre or Patel, Martin or Mohamed,” Polievre says, “If you’re prepared to work hard, contribute, follow the rules, raise your family, you can achieve your dreams in this country,” (Beauchamp, 2024)[21].

2. Rhetorical Devices

The most effective rhetorical devices used by Poilievre are: repetition, contrasts and antitheses, and emotional appeals.

2.1  Repetition

Repetition as a rhetorical tool is used by Polievre to mobilize public opinion in some preconsidered way and convince the audience that he and the audience “belong to the same team”. So, coherence-building is the substantial goal of his use of repetitious constructions. “Reckless spending” is a prominent repetitive phrase denoting the government’s overspending methods. Poilievre states: “The Liberals are putting our future in a reckless state of danger by spending our tomorrow on their today” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-07” Reckless | openparliament.ca, 2018)[22]. To further illustrate his idea, he argues: “what risky and reckless is to spend $15 billion, which works out to $1,000 for every family in Canada, for a project that will employ foreign replacement workers” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Reckless | openparliament.ca, 2023)[23].

2.2  Contrasts and Antithesis

The use of contrast helps Poilievre to drive home his arguments in a concise manner, making his central message more memorable. This analysis of Poilievre political statements encompasses both quantitative and qualitative aspects. In terms of quantity, the most common (frequency) and intricate (density) instances of contrasts and antithesis have been identified like “While this government believes in raising taxes and increasing spending, I believe in lowering taxes and empowering Canadians to keep more of their hard-earned money.” Moreover, Polievre casts “the fight between his Conservatives and Trudeau’s Liberals as the ‘have-nots’ versus the ‘have-yachts’” (Beauchamp, 2024)[24]. In terms of contrasts of policies Polievre states: “He (The Liberal Prime Minister) wants to tax small business when our economy is already falling off the cliff and having the worst growth in the G7. That is insanity. Common-sense Conservatives would bring in taxes that are lower, fairer and simpler, so that hard work would pay off” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Conservatives | openparliament.ca, 2024)[25].

2.3  Emotional Appeals

Petty and Cacioppo argue that information is processed globally or superficially based on a voter’s specific interests or values when processing a message (Nickerson, 2023)[26]. Emotion valence, emotion arousal, and emotions charged are investigated in Poilievre’s political statements. Poilievre attempts to influence voters’ emotions and decisions by evoking various emotions such as anger, hope, pride, moral shock and outrage and fear which is explained by Altheide as “fear has become a dominant public perspective. Fear begins with things we fear, but over time, with enough repetition and expanded use, it becomes a way of looking at life” (Wodak, 2015)[27]. A shared purpose of fear and condemnation is contained in this statement used by Poilievre: “Can members imagine that, in Canada, where we have the constitutional right to vote, some people thought that they or their family would be in danger if that vote went ahead…? It is disgraceful” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-05” Disgrace | openparliament.ca, 2023)[28]. Another example of emotionally appealing statement used by Poilievre is when he stimulates feelings of irony and cynicism coupled with alarm and concern against the Liberal Prime Minister as he concedes: “If he had read Nineteen Eighty-Four, he would have thought it was an instruction manual” (Beauchamp, 2024)[29].

3. Framing Techniques and Identity Construction

Poilievre frames his arguments in three major ways which are: Problem-solution frame, hero-villain dichotomy frame, and the existential frame.

3.1  Problem-Solution Frame

Framing of political issues to attract public support, bolster public consensus, and realize policy implications, is mostly used by Poilievre to denounce unworthy opponents. Poilievre uses the tripartite speech act of assertion, question, and praise in his political speech which serves as an organizing schematic frame. For example, Poilievre presents the problem that under this government’s watch, inflation is out of control, and families are struggling to make ends meet, then he suggests the solution that Conservatives need to cut taxes and reduce regulatory burdens to lower costs and boost economic growth (CBC News, 2023)[30].

3.2  Hero-Villain Dichotomy Frame

Poilievre delivers his oratory to an other-oriented audience comprised of a large crowd of fellow citizens, whom he indistinctively binds with common feelings, a common identity, a shared experience, a common destiny, and a thus-far unsuccessful grappling with the villain-on-the-horizon. Poilievre, the hero, states: “Protecting our country and its citizens against foreign threats is the primary responsibility” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-05” Citizens | openparliament.ca, 2023)[31]. He then presents the villain, the government’s Prime Minister “He has spent 40 million tax dollars that could have secured our ports and our borders, and he has not taken in a single, solitary gun. Is that why gun crime has risen by 100% since he became Prime Minister nine years ago?” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-05” Borders | openparliament.ca, 2024)[32].

3.3  Existential Frame

Frame manipulation requires the message sender to switch through not only organization-related frames, but also through existential references. The absence of existential concerns in frame research leads to an incomplete account of a speakers’ performance. Poilievre seems aware of human anxieties about existence as he frames his clever, well-calculated speeches to try and allay these fears. It behooves both the political party and the politician to frame constructs in the most constant and positive fashion, which is the case with Poilievre. He says: “When each of us entered this place, this Parliament of ours, we entered a place rooted in a historic compromise between Crown and commoner, a compromise that was forged over centuries through bloody conflict, but also through peaceful evolution” (Search: MP: “Pierre-poilievre” Date: “1994-02 to 2024-05” Stability | openparliament.ca, 2022)[33], an existential dilemma that reveals eminent threat and the need for survival.

V. Conclusion

Ritzer (2008) has inspired the concept ‘McDonaldization of Society’ (Le Guin, 2023)[34], which is a broad philosophy of the changing nature of contemporary society. What is seen today is a manifestation of the one-dimensional varieties of popular culture and that it is a contributing factor to societal decay in Western society. Polievre, through his political arguments, creates a collective identity, as opposed to singular existence. Within the political realm, this is evident in the replication of the different thematic, rhetorical and framing strategies he uses, through an ongoing pattern of electoral rite, wherein new heroes emerge and old heroes are deposed. Through the strategies he uses. Poilievre struggles to counteract the spiraling apathy and lack of interest in the political process and the credibility of politicians.

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[2] – Kioumi, E. (2007). Political communication, the media & the creation of a leader. ResearchGate. Retrieved Monday, 1 July, 2024 from https://doi.org/10.13140/2.1.3745.5364

[3] – Richhariya, A. (2020, June 4). Theories of mass communication [Slide show]. SlideShare. Retrieved Monday, 1 July, 2024 from https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/theories-of-mass-communication-234987888/234987888

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[24] – Op. cit. (Beauchamp, Z. (2024, April 26)).

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[26] – Nickerson, C. (2023, September 26). Elaboration likelihood model of persuasion. Simply Psychology. Retrieved Wednesday, 3 July, 2024 from https://www.simplypsychology.org/elaboration-likelihood-model.html

[27] – Wodak, R. (2015). The politics of Fear: what right-wing populist discourses mean. Sage Publications.

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[29] – Op. cit. (Beauchamp, Z. (2024, April 26)).

[30] – CBC News. (2023, September 8). Poilievre “laser-focused” on addressing economic issues, Peter MacKay says [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Mu1sXdOZYo

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[34] – Le Guin, I. D. (2023). The McDonaldization of society | Overview & Examples. Study.com. Retrieved Tuesday, 2 July, 2024 from https://study.com/learn/lesson/george-ritzer-mcdonaldization-society-principles-examples.html

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